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perspective_demo.py
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from googleapiclient import discovery
import json
import sys
test_text1 = "friendly greetings from python"
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test_text3 = "That’s all we are going to put into this fruit filling – no added refined sugar or corn starch. This crisp doesn’t need those ingredients. Keeping the fruit filling down to 3 natural ingredients is what makes this recipe friendly for all ages.\nTo make the crumble topping, we quickly mix together by hand, some oats, flour, coconut oil, cinnamon and a little maple syrup until it is crumbly and just slightly sticky. You can also sub in butter for the coconut oil if you prefer.\n6-9 Months – we make and bake the crisp with just the fruit filling and without the crumble topping. Then to make the filling into a purée, we simply take the fruit filling, place it into a blender and puree until smooth after baking. You can add in a little coconut whipped cream but make sure to omit the maple syrup in their portion.\n9-12 Months – you can definitely still purée this dessert for this age range, but chances are at this stage your little one will want to attempt to eat it by themselves. No problem, just spoon some of the berries onto their tray and let them have at it! It’s going to be messy. But since you are also enjoying a crisp of your own, it won’t bother you as much. At this age, you can serve this crisp with or without the crumble topping depending on where you little one is at with their eating (gnawing) skills.\nBecause the only thing better than having a sweet guilt-free dessert for yourself, is being able to share it with your entire family!\nPlace the can of canned coconut milk in your fridge for at least 4 hours, but preferably overnight.\nPreheat the oven to 350 degree F. Place 4 4-oz ramekins or small baking dish onto a baking sheet.\nTo make the fruit filling, place the berries, lemon juice and vanilla extract into a medium bowl and gently stir until combined.\nTo make the crumble topping, place the oats, flour, coconut oil, maple syrup and cinnamon in a medium bowl and mix with your fingers until the coconut oil is in tiny pea size pieces and everything is starting to stick together.\nTo make the crisps, fill each ramekin to the top with roughly 1/2 cup of fruit filling and then top with 1/4 cup of crumble topping. You might have some left over crumble topping depending on how full your fruit is in your ramekins. If making this recipe into a baby dish, skip the crumble topping on their portion.\nPlace the ramekins onto the baking sheet, and bake for 30-35 minutes or until the fruit is bubbly and the crumble is golden brown. Let cool before serving.\nTo make the whipped coconut cream, open the chilled can of coconut milk and drain any clear liquid into a measuring cup and reserve. Scoop the thick white coconut milk into a bowl, add in desired maple syrup (optional) and whip with a hand-held mixer for 2 minutes or until light and creamy. If your whipped coconut cream is too thick, add in 1 tablespoon at a time of the reserved clear coconut milk.\nIf making into baby purée – spoon their portion into a blender and puree for 30-45 seconds.\nIf making for toddler – serve as is or with a dollop of whipped coconut cream.\nIf making for adult – serve warm with a huge dollop of whipped coconut cream.\n"
test_text4 = "\n\n\n\nProduced by Henry Flower and the Online Distributed\nProofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was\nproduced from images generously made available by The\nInternet Archive)\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n STUDIES ON HOMER\n AND\n THE HOMERIC AGE.\n\n BY THE\n RIGHT HON. W. E. GLADSTONE, D.C.L.\n M. P. FOR THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD.\n\n IN THREE VOLUMES.\n\n VOL. II.\n\n Plenius ac melius Chrysippo et Crantore.--HORACE.\n\n OXFORD:\n AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.\n M.DCCC.LVIII.\n\n\n\n\n STUDIES ON HOMER\n AND\n THE HOMERIC AGE.\n\n OLYMPUS:\n OR,\n THE RELIGION OF THE HOMERIC AGE.\n\n BY THE\n RIGHT HON. W. E. GLADSTONE, D.C.L.\n M. P. FOR THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD.\n\n\n\n [_The right of Translation is reserved._]\n\n\n\n\nTHE CONTENTS.\n\nOLYMPUS:\n\nOR\n\nTHE RELIGION OF THE HOMERIC AGE.\n\n SECT. I.\n\n _On the mixed character of the Supernatural System,\n or Theo-mythology of Homer._\n\n\n Homer’s method not systematic Page 1\n\n Incongruities of his Theo-mythology point to diversity of\n sources 2\n\n Remnants of primitive tradition likely to be found in the\n Poems 3\n\n Extra-judaical relations between God and man 6\n\n With tradition it combines invention 9\n\n It is a true Theology corrupted 9\n\n It has not its basis in nature-worship 10\n\n It could not have sprung from invention only 13\n\n Sacrifices admitted to be traditional 15\n\n Tendency of primitive religion to decay 17\n\n Downward course of the idea of God 18\n\n Decline closely connected with Polytheism 20\n\n Inducements to Nature-worship 21\n\n The deterioration of religion progressive 23\n\n Paganism in its old age 25\n\n The impersonations of Homer 26\n\n The nature of the myths of Homer 29\n\n Tradition the proper key to many of them 30\n\n He exhibits the two systems in active impact 32\n\n Steps of the downward process 33\n\n Sources of the inventive portions 35\n\n Originality of the Olympian system 37\n\n\n SECT. II.\n\n _The traditive element of the Homeric Theo-mythology._\n\n The channels of early religious tradition 39\n\n Some leading early traditions of Scripture 40\n\n As to the Godhead 42\n\n As to the Redeemer 42\n\n As to the Evil One 43\n\n Their defaced counterparts in Homer 43\n\n Deities of equivocal position 46\n\n Threefold materials of the Greek religion 48\n\n Messianic traditions of the Hebrews 49\n\n To be learned from three sources 49\n\n Attributes ascribed to the Messiah 51\n\n The deities of tradition in Homer 54\n\n Minerva and Apollo jointly form the key 55\n\n Notes of their Olympian rank 56\n\n Of their higher antiquity 57\n\n The Secondaries of Minerva 59\n\n The Secondaries of Apollo 60\n\n Argument from the Secondaries 63\n\n Picture of human society in Olympus 64\n\n Dignity and precedence of Minerva 66\n\n Of Apollo 69\n\n Minerva’s relations of will and affection with Jupiter 70\n\n Those of Apollo 71\n\n Apollo the Deliverer of Heaven 72\n\n Power of Minerva in the Shades 73\n\n These deities are never foiled by others 74\n\n The special honour of the Trine Invocation 78\n\n They receive universal worship 79\n\n They are not localized in any abode 82\n\n They are objects together with Jupiter of habitual prayer 83\n\n Exempt from appetite and physical limitations 86\n\n Their manner of appreciating sacrifice 88\n\n Their independent power of punishment 90\n\n They handle special attributes of Jupiter 94\n\n They exercise dominion over nature 98\n\n Relation of Apollo (with Diana) to Death 101\n\n Exemption from the use of second causes 104\n\n Superiority of their moral standard 105\n\n Special relation of Apollo to Diana 108\n\n Disintegration of primitive traditions 108\n\n The Legend of Alcyone 111\n\n Place of Minerva and Apollo in Providential government 113\n\n It is frequently ascribed to them 115\n\n Especially the inner parts of it to Minerva 117\n\n Apollo’s gift of knowledge 119\n\n Intimacy of Minerva’s personal relations with man 121\n\n Form of their relation to their attributes 122\n\n The capacity to attract new ones 124\n\n Wide range of their functions 125\n\n Tradition of the Sun 126\n\n The central wisdom of Minerva 129\n\n The three characters of Apollo 130\n\n The opposition between two of them 131\n\n Minerva and Apollo do not fit into Olympus 133\n\n Origin of the Greek names 133\n\n Summary of their distinctive traits 134\n\n Explanation by Friedreich 138\n\n Treatment of Apollo by Müller 141\n\n After-course of the traditions 142\n\n The Diana of Homer 143\n\n Her acts and attributes in the poems 144\n\n The Latona of Homer 147\n\n Her attributes in the poems 149\n\n Her relation to primitive Tradition 153\n\n Her acts in the poems 154\n\n The Iris of Homer 156\n\n The Atè of Homer 158\n\n The ἀτασθαλίη of Homer 162\n\n Other traditions of the Evil One 162\n\n Parallel citations from Holy Scripture 165\n\n The Future State in Homer 167\n\n Sacrificial tradition in Homer 171\n\n He has no sabbatical tradition 171\n\n\n SECT. III.\n\n _The inventive element of the Homeric Theo-mythology._\n\n The character of Jupiter 173\n\n Its fourfold aspect.--1. Jupiter as Providence 174\n\n 2. Jupiter as Lord of Air 178\n\n Earth why vacant in the Lottery 179\n\n 3. Jupiter as Head of Olympus 181\n\n His want of moral elements 183\n\n His strong political spirit 185\n\n 4. Jupiter as the type of animalism 186\n\n Qualified by his parental instincts 189\n\n The Juno of Homer 190\n\n Juno of the Iliad and Juno of the Odyssey 191\n\n Her intense nationality 192\n\n Her mythological functions 193\n\n Her mythological origin 197\n\n The Neptune of Homer 199\n\n His threefold aspect 200\n\n His traits mixed, but chiefly mythological 201\n\n His relation to the Phœnicians 205\n\n His relation to the tradition of the Evil One 206\n\n His grandeur is material 209\n\n The Aidoneus of Homer 210\n\n His personality shadowy and feeble 211\n\n The Ceres or Demeter of Homer 212\n\n Her Pelasgian associations 213\n\n Her place in Olympus 215\n\n Her mythological origin 215\n\n The Proserpine or Persephone of Homer 217\n\n Her marked and substantive character 218\n\n Her connection with the East 220\n\n Her place in Olympus doubtful 223\n\n Her associations Hellenic and not Pelasgian 224\n\n The Mars of Homer 225\n\n His limited worship and attributes 226\n\n Mars as yet scarcely Greek 229\n\n The Mercury of Homer 231\n\n Preeminently the god of increase 233\n\n Mercury Hellenic as well as Phœnician 235\n\n But apparently recent in Greece 237\n\n His Olympian function distinct from that of Iris 238\n\n The poems consistent with one another in this point 241\n\n The Venus of Homer 243\n\n Venus as yet scarcely Greek 244\n\n Advance of her worship from the East 247\n\n Her Olympian rank and character 249\n\n Her extremely limited powers 249\n\n Apparently unable to confer beauty 251\n\n Homer never by intention makes her attractive 252\n\n The Vulcan of Homer 254\n\n His Phœnician and Eastern extraction 255\n\n His marriage with Venus 257\n\n Vulcan in and out of his art 259\n\n The Ἠέλιος of Homer 260\n\n In the Iliad 261\n\n In the Odyssey 262\n\n Is of the Olympian court 263\n\n His incorporation with Apollo 264\n\n The Dionysus or Bacchus of Homer 266\n\n His worship recent 266\n\n Apparently of Phœnician origin 267\n\n He is of the lowest inventive type 269\n\n\n SECT. IV.\n\n _The Composition of the Olympian Court; and the\n classification of the whole supernatural order in Homer._\n\n Principal cases of exclusion from Olympus 271\n\n Case of Oceanus 273\n\n Together with that of Kronos and Rhea 274\n\n The _Dî majores_ of the later tradition 275\n\n Number of the Olympian gods in Homer 275\n\n What deities are of that rank 277\n\n The Hebe and the Paieon of Homer 278\n\n The Eris of Homer 280\n\n Classification of the twenty Olympian deities 282\n\n The remaining supernatural order, in six classes 283\n\n Destiny or Fate in Homer 285\n\n Under the form of Αἶσα 286\n\n Death inexorable to Fate or Deity alike 287\n\n Destiny under the form of Μοῖρα 290\n\n Under the form of μόρος 293\n\n General view of the Homeric Destiny 294\n\n Not antagonistic to Divine will 297\n\n The minor impersonations of natural powers 298\n\n The Ἁρπυῖαι of Homer 300\n\n The Erinues of Homer 302\n\n Their office is to vindicate the moral order 305\n\n Their operation upon the Immortals 306\n\n Their connection with Aides and Persephone 308\n\n Their relation to Destiny 310\n\n Their operation upon man 310\n\n Their occasional function as tempters 312\n\n The translation of mortals 313\n\n The deification of mortals 314\n\n Growth of material for its extension 316\n\n The kindred of the gods (1) the Cyclopes 318\n\n (2) The Læstrygones 319\n\n (3) The Phæacians 320\n\n (4) Æolus Hippotades 322\n\n\n SECT. V.\n\n _The Olympian Community and its Members considered in\n themselves._\n\n The family order in Olympus 325\n\n The political order in Olympus 326\n\n Absence of important restraints upon their collective\n action 327\n\n They are influenced by courtesy and intelligence 328\n\n Superiority of the Olympian Immortals 330\n\n Their unity imperfect 331\n\n Their polity works constitutionally 332\n\n The system not uniform 333\n\n They are inferior in morality to men 334\n\n And are governed mainly by force and fraud 335\n\n Their dominant and profound selfishness 337\n\n The cruelty of Calypso in her love 339\n\n Their standard of taste and feeling low 340\n\n The Olympian life is a depraved copy of the heroic 341\n\n The exemption from death uniform 342\n\n The exemption from other limitations partial 345\n\n Sometimes based on peculiar grounds 346\n\n Divine faculties for the most part an extension from the\n human 348\n\n Their dependence on the eye 350\n\n Their powers of locomotion 352\n\n Chief heads of superiority to mankind 353\n\n Their superiority in stature and beauty 354\n\n Their libertinism 355\n\n Their keen regard to sacrifice and the ground of it 357\n\n Their circumscribed power over nature 358\n\n Parts of the body how ascribed to them 359\n\n Examples of miracle in Homer 361\n\n Mode of their action on the human mind 363\n\n They do not discern the thoughts 365\n\n\n SECT. VI.\n\n _The Olympian Community and its Members considered\n in their influence on human society and conduct._\n\n Lack of periodical observances and of a ministering class 367\n\n Yet the religion was a real power in life 368\n\n The effect of the corruption of the gods was not yet\n fully felt 369\n\n They show little regard to human interests 371\n\n A moral tone is occasionally perceptible 373\n\n Prevalent belief as to their views of man and life 374\n\n It lent considerable support to virtue 377\n\n Their course with respect to Troy 378\n\n Bearing of the religion on social ties 380\n\n And on political relations 382\n\n The Oath 383\n\n Bearing of the religion on the poems 385\n\n As regards Neptune’s wrath in the Odyssey 387\n\n As regards the virtue of purity 388\n\n As regards poetic effect 388\n\n Comparison of its earliest and latest form 390\n\n Gloom prevails in Homer’s view of human destiny 392\n\n The personal belief of Homer 394\n\n\n SECT. VII.\n\n _On the traces of an origin abroad for the Olympian\n Religion._\n\n The Olympian deities classified according to local\n extraction 397\n\n Their connection as a body with the Æthiopes 399\n\n Confirms the hypothesis of Persian origin 402\n\n Herodotus on the Scythian religion 402\n\n His report from Egypt about the Greek deities 404\n\n Four several bases of religious systems 405\n\n Anthropophuism in the Olympian religion 406\n\n Nature-worship as described in the Book of Wisdom 406\n\n Its secondary place in the Olympian religion 407\n\n In what sense it follows a prior Nature-worship 409\n\n The principle of Brute-worship 410\n\n Its traces in the Olympian religion 411\n\n Chief vestige: oxen of the Sun 412\n\n Xanthus the horse of Achilles 414\n\n\n SECT. VIII.\n\n _The Morals of the Homeric Age._\n\n The general type of Greek character in the heroic age 417\n\n The moral sense in the heroic age 418\n\n Use of the words ἀγαθός and κακός 421\n\n Of the word δίκαιος 423\n\n Religion and morals were not dissociated 425\n\n Moral elements in the practice of sacrifice 427\n\n Three main motives to virtue. 1. Regard to the gods 427\n\n 2. The power of conscience 428\n\n 3. Regard for the sentiments of mankind 430\n\n The force and forms of αἰδὼς 431\n\n Other cognate terms 435\n\n Homicide in the heroic age 436\n\n Eight instances in the poems 437\n\n Why viewed with little disfavour 440\n\n Piracy in the heroic age 442\n\n Its nature as then practised 443\n\n Mixed view of it in the poems 444\n\n Family feuds in the heroic age 446\n\n Temperance in the heroic age 447\n\n Self-control in the heroic age 448\n\n Absence of the vice of cruelty 450\n\n Savage ideas occasionally expressed 451\n\n These not unfamiliar to later Greece 453\n\n Wrath in Ulysses 454\n\n Wrath in Achilles 455\n\n Domestic affections in the heroic age 456\n\n Relationships close, not wide 459\n\n Purity in the heroic age 460\n\n Lay of the Net of Vulcan 461\n\n Direct evidence of comparative purity 465\n\n Treatment of the human form 466\n\n Treatment of various characters 467\n\n Outline of Greek life in the heroic age 468\n\n Its morality, and that of later Greece 471\n\n Points of its superiority 472\n\n Inferior as to crimes of violence 475\n\n Some effects of slavery 476\n\n Signs of degeneracy before Homer’s death 477\n\n\n SECT. IX.\n\n _Woman in the heroic age._\n\n The place of Woman generally, and in heroic Greece 479\n\n Its comparative elevation 480\n\n 1. State of the law and custom of marriage 481\n\n Marriage was uniformly single 483\n\n 2. Conceived in a spirit of freedom 483\n\n Its place in the career of life 485\n\n Mode of contraction 486\n\n 3. Perpetuity of the tie of marriage 487\n\n Adultery 488\n\n Desertion 489\n\n 4. Greek ideas of incest 489\n\n 5. Fidelity in married life 492\n\n Treatment of spurious children 494\n\n Case of Briseis 495\n\n Mode of contracting marriage 496\n\n Concubinage of Greek chieftains in Troas 497\n\n Dignity of conjugal and feminine manners 499\n\n Social position of the wife 500\n\n Force of conjugal attachments 502\n\n Woman characters of Homer 503\n\n The province of Woman well defined 505\n\n Argument from the position of the goddesses 506\n\n Women admitted to sovereignty 507\n\n And to the service of the gods 509\n\n Their household employments 511\n\n Their service about the bath 512\n\n Explanation of the presumed difficulty 515\n\n Proof from the case of Ulysses in Scheria 517\n\n Subsequent declension of Woman 518\n\n\n SECT. X.\n\n _The Office of the Homeric Poems in relation to that\n of the early Books of Holy Scripture._\n\n Points of literary resemblance 521\n\n Providential functions of Greece and Rome 523\n\n Of the Early records of Holy Scripture 524\n\n The Sacred Books are not mere literary works 525\n\n Providential use of the Homeric poems 527\n\n They complete the code of primitive instruction 529\n\n Human history had no visible centre up to the Advent 531\n\n Nor for some time after it 532\n\n A purpose served by the whole design 533\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n_On the Mixed Character of the Supernatural System, or Theo-Mythology,\nof Homer._\n\n\nThough the poems of Homer are replete, perhaps beyond any others, with\nrefined and often latent adaptations, yet it may be observed in general\nof the modes of representation used by him, that they are preeminently\nthe reverse of systematic. Institutions or characters, which are in\nthemselves consistent, probably gain by this method of proceeding,\nprovided the execution be not unworthy of the design. For it secures\ntheir exhibition in more, and more varied, points of view, than can\npossibly be covered by the more didactic process. But the possession of\nthis advantage depends upon the fact, that there is in them a harmony,\nwhich is their base, and which we have only to discover. Whereas, if\nthat harmony be wanting, if in lieu of it there be a groundwork of\nfundamental discrepancy, then the conditions of effect are wholly\nchanged. The multiplied variety of view becomes a multiplication\nof incongruity; each new aspect offers a new problem: and the more\nmasterly the hand of the artist, the more arduous becomes the attempt\nto comprehend and present in their mutual bearings the pictures he has\ndrawn, and the suggestions he has conveyed.\n\nThus it has been with that which, following German example, I have\ndenominated the Theo-mythology of Homer. By that term it seems not\nimproper to designate a mixture of theology and mythology, as these two\nwords are commonly understood. Theology I suppose to mean, a system\ndealing with the knowledge of God and the unseen world: mythology, a\nsystem conversant with the inventions of man concerning them. In the\nHomeric poems I find both of these largely displayed: but with this\ndifference, that the first was in visible decline, the second in such\nrapid and prolific development, that, while Homer is undoubtedly a\nwitness to older fable, which had already in his time become settled\ntradition, he is also in this department himself evidently and largely\na Maker and Inventor, and the material of the Greek mythology comes out\nof his hands far more fully moulded, and far more diversified, than it\nentered them.\n\nOf the fact that the Homeric religion does not present a consistent and\nhomogeneous whole, we have abundant evidence in the difficulties with\nwhich, so soon as the literary age of Greece began, expositors found\nthemselves incumbered; and which drove them sometimes upon allegory\nas a resource, sometimes, as in the case of Plato, upon censure and\nrepudiation[1].\n\n[1] Döllinger Heid. u. Jud. v. 1. p. 254.\n\n~_Extended relations of God to man._~\n\nI know not whether it has been owing to our somewhat narrow jealousies\nconcerning the function of Holy Scripture, or to our want of faith in\nthe extended Providence of God, and His manifestations in the world, or\nto the real incongruity in the evidence at our command, or to any other\ncause, but the fact, at least, seems to me beyond doubt, that our modes\nof dealing with the Homeric poems in this cardinal respect have been\neminently unsatisfactory. Those who have found in Homer the elements of\nreligious truth, have resorted to the far-fetched and very extravagant\nsupposition, that he had learned them from the contemporary Hebrews,\nor from the law of Moses. The more common and popular opinion[2] has\nperhaps been one, which has put all such elements almost or altogether\nout of view; one which has treated the Immortals in Homer as so many\nimpersonations of the powers of nature, or else magnified men, and\ntheir social life as in substance no more than as a reflection of his\npicture of heroic life, only gilded with embellishments, and enlarged\nin scale, in proportion to the superior elevation of its sphere. Few,\ncomparatively, have been inclined to recognise in the Homeric poems the\nvestiges of a real traditional knowledge, derived from the epoch when\nthe covenant of God with man, and the promise of a Messiah, had not yet\nfallen within the contracted forms of Judaism for shelter, but entered\nmore or less into the common consciousness, and formed a part of the\npatrimony of the human race[3].\n\n[2] See Heyne ad Il. i. 603; Terpstra, Antiquitas Homerica, i. 3. And\nso late as the Cambridge Essays 1856. p. 149.\n\n[3] See ‘Homerus, pt. i.’ by Archdeacon Williams: ‘Primitive\nTradition,’ 1843, by the same; Edinb. Rev. N^o. 155, art. Homerus, and\nthe reference, p. 50, to Cesarotti’s Ragionamento Storico-Critico.\n\nBut surely there is nothing improbable in the supposition, that in\nthe poems of Homer such vestiges may be found. Every recorded form of\nsociety bears some traces of those by which it has been preceded: and\nin that highly primitive form, which Homer has been the instrument\nof embalming for all posterity, the law of general reason obliges us\nto search for elements and vestiges belonging to one more primitive\nstill. And, if we are to inquire in the Iliad and the Odyssey for\nwhat belongs to antecedent manners and ideas, on what ground can it be\npronounced improbable, that no part of these earlier traditions should\nbe old enough to carry upon them the mark of belonging to the religion,\nwhich the Book of Genesis represents as brought by our first parents\nfrom Paradise, and as delivered by them to their immediate descendants\nin general? The Hebrew Chronology, considered in connection with the\nprobable date of Homer, would even render it difficult or irrational\nto proceed upon any other supposition: nor if, as by the Septuagint\nor otherwise, a larger period is allowed for the growth of our race,\nwill the state of this case be materially altered. For the facts must\nremain, that the form of society exhibited by Homer was itself in\nmany points essentially patriarchal, that it contains, in matter not\nreligious, such, for instance, as the episode of the Cyclops, clear\ntraces of a yet earlier condition yet more significant of a relation\nto that name, and that there is no broadly marked period of human\nexperience, or form of manners, which we can place between the great\ntrunk of human history in Holy Scripture, and this famed Homeric\nbranch, which of all literary treasures appears to be its eldest born.\nStanding next to the patriarchal histories of Holy Scripture, why\nshould it not bear, how can it not bear, traces of the religion under\nwhich the patriarchs lived?\n\nThe immense longevity of the early generations of mankind was eminently\nfavourable to the preservation of pristine traditions. Each individual,\ninstead of being as now a witness of, or an agent in, one or two\ntransmissions from father to son, would observe or share in ten times\nas many. According to the Hebrew Chronology, Lamech the father of\nNoah was of mature age before Adam died: and Abraham was of mature\nage before Noah died. Original or early witnesses, remaining so long\nas standards of appeal, would evidently check the rapidity of the\ndarkening and destroying process.\n\nLet us suppose that man now lived but twenty years, instead of\nfourscore. Would not this greatly quicken the waste of ancient\ntraditions? And is not the converse also true?\n\n~_Sufficiently proved from Holy Scripture._~\n\nCustom has made it with us second nature to take for granted a\nbroad line of demarcation between those who live within the pale of\nRevelation, and the residue of mankind. But Holy Scripture does not\nappear to recognise such a severance in any manner, until we come to\nthe revelation of the Mosaic law, which was like the erection of a\ntemporary shelter for truths that had ranged at large over the plain,\nand that were apparently in danger of being totally absorbed in the\nmass of human inventions. But before this vineyard was planted, and\nlikewise outside its fence, there were remains, smaller or greater,\nof the knowledge of God; and there was a recognised relation between\nJehovah and mankind, which has been the subject of record from time to\ntime, and the ground of acts involving the admonition, or pardon, or\ncorrection, or destruction, of individuals or communities.\n\nThe latest of these indications, such as the visit of the Wise Men from\nthe East, are not the most remarkable: because first the captivity in\nBabylon, and subsequently the dissemination of Jewish groups through so\nmany parts of the world, could not but lead to direct communications\nof divine knowledge, at least, in some small degree. From such causes,\nthere would be many a Cornelius before him who became the first-fruits\nof the Gentiles. Yet even the interest, which probably led to such\ncommunications from the Jew, must have had its own root in relics of\nprior tradition, which attested the common concern of mankind in Him\nthat was to come. But in earlier times, and when the Jewish nation\nwas more concentrated, and was certainly obscure, the vestiges of\nextra-patriarchal and extra-judaical relations between God and man\nare undeniable. They have been traced with clearness and ability in a\npopular treatise by the hand of Bishop Horsley[4].\n\n[4] Horsley’s Dissertation on the Prophecies of the Messiah dispersed\namong the heathen. See also Mr. Harvey’s Observations on the Gnostic\nSystem, pp. iii and seqq., prefixed to his S. Irenæus, Cambridge, 1857.\nWilliams’s Primitive Tradition, p. 9.\n\nLet us take, for instance, that case of extreme wickedness, which most\nseverely tries the general proposition. The punishment of Sodom and\nGomorrah for their sins was preceded by a declaration from the Most\nHigh, importing a direct relation with those guilty cities[5]; and two\nangels, who had visited Abraham on the plains of Mamre, ‘came to Sodom\nat even.’ Ruth the Moabitess was an ancestress, through king David,\nof our Lord. Rahab in Jericho, ‘by faith,’ as the Apostle assures us,\nentertained the spies of the Israelites. Job, living in a country\nwhere the worship of the sun was practised, had, as had his friends,\nthe knowledge of the true God. Melchizedek, the priest of On, whose\ndaughter Joseph married, and Jethro, the father-in-law of Moses, are\nother conspicuous instances. Later in time, Nineveh, the great Assyrian\ncapital, received the message of the prophet Jonah, and repented at his\npreaching. Here the teaching organ was supplied from among the Jews:\nbut Balaam exhibits to us the gift of inspiration beyond their bounds.\nOnce more; many centuries after the Homeric manners had disappeared,\nand during the captivity, we find not only a knowledge of God, but\ndreams and signs vouchsafed to Assyrian kings, and interpreted for\nthem by the prophet Daniel. We have, in short, mingling with the whole\ncourse of the Old Testament, a stream of evidence which shows the\npartial remnants of the knowledge of God, apart from that main current\nof it which is particularly traced for us in the patriarchal and\nMosaic histories. Again, many centuries after Homer, when all traces\nof primitive manners had long vanished, still in the Prometheus of\nÆschylus, and in the Pollio of Virgil, we have signs, though I grant\nthey are faint ones, that the celestial rays had not even then ‘faded\ninto the light of common day’ for the heathen world. It would really\nbe strange, and that in a high degree, if a record like that of Homer,\nwith so many resemblances to the earliest manners in other points, had\nno link to connect it with them in their most vital part.\n\n[5] See Genesis xviii. 1, 20. xx. 1. Heb. xi. 31.\n\n~_The question one of history._~\n\nThe general proposition, that we may expect to find the relics of\nScriptural traditions in the heroic age of Greece, though it leads,\nif proved, to important practical results, is independent even of a\nbelief in those traditions, as they stand in the scheme of revealed\ntruth. They must be admitted to have been facts on earth, even by those\nwho would deny them to be facts of heavenly origin, in the shape in\nwhich Christendom receives them: and the question immediately before\nus is one of pure historical probability. The descent of mankind from\na single pair, the lapse of that pair from original righteousness,\nare apart from and ulterior to it. We have traced the Greek nation\nto a source, and along a path of migration, which must in all\nlikelihood have placed its ancestry, at some point or points, in close\nlocal relations with the scenes of the earliest Mosaic records: the\nretentiveness of that people equalled its receptiveness, and its close\nand fond association with the past made it prone indeed to incorporate\nnovel matter into its religion, but prone also to keep it there after\nits incorporation.\n\nIf such traditions existed, and if the laws which guide historical\ninquiry require or lead us to suppose that the forefathers of the\nGreeks must have lived within their circle, then the burden of proof\nmust lie not so properly with those who assert that the traces of them\nare to be found in the earliest, that is, the Homeric, form of the\nGreek mythology, as with those who deny it. What became of those old\ntraditions? They must have decayed and disappeared, not by a sudden\nprocess, but by a gradual accumulation of the corrupt accretions, in\nwhich at length they were so completely interred as to be invisible\nand inaccessible. Some period therefore there must have been, at which\nthey would remain clearly perceptible, though in conjunction with much\ncorrupt matter. Such a period might be made the subject of record, and\nif such there were, we might naturally expect to find it in the oldest\nknown work of the ancient literature.\n\nIf the poems of Homer do, however, contain a picture, even though a\ndefaced picture, of the primeval religious traditions, it is obvious\nthat they afford a most valuable collateral support to the credit of\nthe Holy Scripture, considered as a document of history. Still we must\nnot allow the desire of gaining this advantage to bias the mind in an\ninquiry, which can only be of value if it is conducted according to the\nstrictest rules of rational criticism.\n\n~_Invention combined with tradition._~\n\nWe may then, in accordance with those rules, be prepared to expect\nthat the Hellenic religion will prove to have been in part constructed\nfrom traditional knowledge. The question arises next, Of what other\nmaterials in addition was it composed? The answer can be but one;\nSuch materials would be supplied by invention. But invention cannot\nabsolutely create; it can only work upon what it finds already provided\nto its hand. The provision made in this instance was simply that with\nwhich the experience of man supplied him. It was mediate or immediate:\nmediate, where the Greek received matter from abroad, and wrought upon\nit: immediate, where he conceived it for himself. That experience lay\nin two spheres--the sphere of external nature, and the sphere of life.\nEach of these would afford for the purpose the elements of Power,\nGrandeur, Pleasure, Beauty, Utility; and such would be the elements\nsuited to the work of constructing or developing a system that was to\npresent objects for his worship. We may therefore reasonably expect\nto find in the religion features referable to these two departments\nfor their origin;--first, the powerful forces and attractive forms of\noutward nature; secondly, the faculties and propensities of man, and\nthose relations to his fellow-men, amidst which his lot is cast, and\nhis character formed.\n\nIf this be so, then, in the result thus compounded out of tradition\npurporting to be revealed, and out of invention strictly human, we\nought to recognise, so long as both classes of ingredients are in\neffective coexistence, not strictly a false theology, but a true\ntheology falsified: a true religion, into which falsehood has entered,\nand in which it is gradually overlaying and absorbing the original\ntruth, until, when the process has at length reached a certain point,\nit is wholly hidden and borne down by countervailing forces, so that\nthe system has for practical purposes become a false one, and both may\nand should be so termed and treated.\n\nI admit that very different modes of representing the case have been\nin vogue. Sometimes by those to whom the interest of Christianity\nis precious, and sometimes in indifference or hostility to its\nfortunes, it is held that the basis of the Greek mythology is laid in\nthe deification of the powers of nature. The common assumptions have\nbeen such as the following: That the starting-point of the religion\nof the heroic age is to be sought only in the facts of the world, in\nthe ideas and experience of man. That nature-worship, the deification\nof elemental and other physical powers, was the original and proper\nbasis of the system. That this system, presumably self-consistent,\nas having been founded on a given principle, was broken up by the\nintervention of theogonic revolutions. That the system, of which\nJupiter was at the head, was an imperfect reconstruction of a scheme of\ndivine rule out of the fragments of an earlier religion, and that it\nsupplanted the elder gods. In short, the Greek mythology is represented\nas a corrupt edition, not of original revealed religion, but of a\nNature-worship which, as it seems to be assumed, was separated by a\ngulf never measured, and never passed, from the primitive religious\ntraditions of our race. Further it seems to be held, that the faults\nand imperfections of the pagan religion have their root only in a\nradical inability of the human mind to produce pure deity; that they do\nnot represent the depravation of an ancient and divine gift, but rather\nthe simple failure of man in a work of invention. Indeed, we need not\nwonder that it should fail in a process which, critically considered,\ncan mean little else than mere exaggeration of itself and from its own\nexperience[6], and which must be so apt to become positive caricature.\n\n[6] See Nägelsbach, Homerische Theologie, i. 1. ii. 1. Also (if I\nunderstand it rightly), Döllinger’s Heidenthum und Judenthum, ii. 1. §.\n1. p. 54.\n\n~_The basis was not in Nature-worship._~\n\nAgain, Dean Prideaux, in his Connection of Sacred and Profane History,\ngives the following genesis of the Greek mythology. From the beginning,\nhe says, there was a general notion among men, founded on a sense that\nthey were impure, of the necessity of a mediator with God. There being\nno mediator clearly revealed, man chose mediators for himself, and took\nthe sun, moon, and stars, as high intelligences well fitted for the\npurpose. Hence we find Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, Apollo, Mercury, Venus,\nand Diana, to be first ranked in the polytheism of the ancients: for\nthey were their first gods[7].\n\n[7] Prideaux, i. 3. vol. i. p. 198.\n\nThis theory is not in correspondence with the facts of the heroic age.\nThere is no sense whatever of an impurity disabling men from access\nto God; no clear or general opinion of the necessity of mediation; no\nglimpse even of a god superior to Jupiter and the rest with whom they\nwere on behalf of man to mediate.\n\nAnd, again, the opinion, that the origin of the religion lay in\nNature-worship, has had the support both of high and also of recent\nauthorities. The eminent and learned Dr. Döllinger, in his ‘Heidenthum\nund Judenthum,’ says, that the deification of Nature, its forces,\nor the particular objects it offered to the senses, constituted the\ngroundwork of the Greek, as well as of the other heathen religions. The\nidea of God continued to be powerful even when it had been darkened,\nand the godhead was felt as present, and active everywhere in the\nphysical order. In working out his general rule for each mythological\ndeity in particular, this author conceives the original form of their\nexistence to have been that of a Nature-power, even where the vestiges\nof such a conception have, under subsequent handling, become faint\nor imperceptible. Thus Juno, Minerva, Latona, Diana, and others in\nsuccession, are referred to such an origin[8].\n\n[8] Heidenthum und Judenthum, b. ii. sect. 1, 2. pp. 54-81.\n\nNow in dealing with this hypothesis, I would ask, what then has become\nof the old Theistic and Messianic traditions? and how has it happened\nthey have been amputated by a process so violent as to make them to\nleave, even while the state of society continued still primitive, no\ntrace behind them? But further. I would urge with confidence that the\nample picture of the religion of the heroic ages, as we have it in\nHomer, which is strictly for this purpose in the nature of a fact,\ncannot be made to harmonize with the hypothesis which refers it to\nsuch a source. The proof of this statement must depend mainly on the\nexamination which we have to institute in detail: but I am anxious\nat once to bring it into view, and to refer briefly to some of the\ngrounds on which it rests, because it is susceptible of demonstration\nby evidence as contradistinguished from theory. On the other hand,\nwhen I proceed farther, evidence and theory must of necessity be mixed\nup together; and dissent from a particular mode of tracing out the\nassociation between the traditional and inventive elements of the\nsystem might unawares betray the reader into the conclusion, that no\nsuch distinct traditional elements were to be found, but that all,\nor nearly all, was pure fable. I say, then, there is much in the\ntheo-mythology of Homer, which, if it had been a system founded in\nfable, could not have appeared there. It stands before us like one of\nour old churches, having different parts of its fabric in the different\nstyles of architecture, each of which speaks for itself, and which we\nknow to belong to the several epochs in the history of the art, when\ntheir characteristic combinations were respectively in vogue.\n\n~_Nor is the system from invention only._~\n\nWhile on the one hand it has deities, such as Latona, without any\nattributes at all, on the other hand, we find in it both gods and\ngoddesses, with an assemblage of such attributes and functions as have\nno common link by which invention could have fastened them together.\nThey are such, likewise, as to bring about cross divisions and cross\npurposes, that the Greek force of imagination, and the Greek love of\nsymmetry, would have alike eschewed. How could invention have set\nup Pallas as the goddess at once of peace and its industries, of\nwisdom, and of war? Its object would clearly have been to impersonate\nattributes; and to associate even distinct, much less conflicting\nattributes, in the same deity, would have been simply to confuse them.\nHow again could it have combined in Apollo, who likewise turns the\ncourses of rivers by his might, the offices of destruction, music,\npoetry, prophecy, archery, and medicine? Again, if he is the god of\nmedicine, why have we Paieon? if of poetry, why have we the Muses? If\nMinerva be (as she is) goddess of war, why have we Mars? if of the work\nof the Artificer, why have we also Vulcan? if of prudence and sagacity,\nand even craft[9], why Mercury?\n\n[9] Il. xxii. 247.\n\nAnd again, the theory is, that the chief personages of the mythology\nare representatives of the great powers of the physical universe. I\nask, therefore, how it happens that in the Homeric, or, as we may call\nit, primitive form of the system, these great powers of the universe\nare for the most part very indistinctly and partially personified,\nwhereas we see in vivid life and constant movement another set of\nfigures, having either an obscure or partial relation, or no relation\nat all, to those powers? Such a state of the evidence surely strikes\nat the very root of the hypothesis we are considering: but it is\nthe state of the evidence which we actually find before us. Take for\ninstance Time, Ocean, Earth, Sun, Moon, Stars, Air; all these prime\nnatural objects and agents are either not personified at all in Homer,\nor so indistinctly and mutely personified that they are the mere\nzoophytes of his supernatural world, of which the gorgeous life and\nbrilliant movement are sustained by a separate set of characters.\nOf these more effective agents, some are such as it is impossible\nrationally to set down for mere impersonations of ideas; while others\nare plainly constituted as lords over, and not beings derivative from,\nthose powers or provinces of nature, with which they are placed in\nspecial relations. It cannot for instance rationally be said that the\nHomeric Jupiter is a mere impersonation of the air which he rules, or\nthe Homeric Neptune of the sea, or the Homeric Aidoneus (or Aides) of\nthe nether world. For to the first of these three, many functions are\nassigned having no connection with the air. As for example, when he\ngives swiftness of foot to Æneas on Mount Ida, that he might escape\nthe pursuit of Achilles[10]. In the case of the second, there is a\nrival figure, namely, Nereus, who never that we know of leaves the sea,\nwho is the father of the Sea-nymphs, and who evidently fulfils the\nconditions of Sea impersonated far better than does Neptune; Neptune,\nwho marched upon the battle-field in Troas, and who, with Apollo, had\nhimself built the walls of Ilium. Besides all this, the sea, to which\nNeptune belongs, is itself not one of the great elemental powers of\nthe universe, but is derived, like rivers, springs, and wells, from\nFather Ocean, who fears indeed the thunderbolt of Jupiter, but is not\nbound to attendance even in the great chapter of Olympus[11]. As\nto Aidoneus, he can hardly impersonate the nether world, because in\nHomer he does not represent or govern it, but only has to do with that\nportion of it, which is inhabited by the souls of departed men. For,\nas far beneath his realm as Earth is beneath Heaven, lies the dark\nTartarus of Homer, peopled with Κρόνος and his Titans. Nor, on the\nother hand, do we know that the Elysian fields of the West were subject\nto his sway. The elemental powers are in Homer, though not altogether,\nyet almost altogether, extrinsic to his grand Olympian system.\n\n[10] Il. xx. 92.\n\n[11] Il. xxi. 195-9. xx. 7.\n\nWithout, then, anticipating this or that particular result from\nthe inquiry into the mode and proportions in which traditional and\ninventive elements are combined in the poems of Homer, it may safely\nbe denied that his picture of the supernatural world could have been\ndrawn by means of materials exclusively supplied by invention from the\nsources of nature and experience.\n\n~_Traditive origin of Sacrifice._~\n\nAnd indeed there is one particular with respect to which the admission\nwill be generally made, that the Greek mythological system stood\nindebted at least to a primitive tradition, if not to a direct command;\nI mean the institution of sacrifice. This can hardly be supposed to\nhave been an original conception in every country; and it distinctly\npoints us to one common source. Sacrifice was, according\n"
test_text5 = "## Badamestan, Zanjan \nBadamestan (بادامستان, also Romanized as Bādāmestān; also known as Badamistan) is a village in Bonab Rural District, in the Central District of Zanjan County, Zanjan Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 97, in 21 families. This village is actually part of the villages of Tarom region.\n"
API_KEY = 'AIzaSyCK9teFVz_GYSxrsVYnJX42-HFEYDPpeJE'
client = discovery.build(
"commentanalyzer",
"v1alpha1",
developerKey=API_KEY,
discoveryServiceUrl="https://commentanalyzer.googleapis.com/$discovery/rest?version=v1alpha1",
static_discovery=False,
)
def test1():
analyze_request = {
'comment': { 'text': test_text1 },
'requestedAttributes': {'SEXUALLY_EXPLICIT': {}} # 更多检测能力见 https://developers.perspectiveapi.com/s/about-the-api-attributes-and-languages?language=en_US
}
response = client.comments().analyze(body=analyze_request).execute()
print(json.dumps(response, indent=2))
def test2():
analyze_request = {
'comment': { 'text': test_text2 },
'requestedAttributes': {'SEXUALLY_EXPLICIT': {}}
}
response = client.comments().analyze(body=analyze_request).execute()
print(json.dumps(response, indent=2))
def test3():
analyze_request = {
'comment': { 'text': test_text3 },
'requestedAttributes': {'SEXUALLY_EXPLICIT': {}}
}
response = client.comments().analyze(body=analyze_request).execute()
print(json.dumps(response, indent=2))
def test4():
test_text4 = test_text4[:20000]
analyze_request = {
'comment': { 'text': test_text4 },
'requestedAttributes': {'SEXUALLY_EXPLICIT': {}}
}
response = client.comments().analyze(body=analyze_request).execute()
print(json.dumps(response, indent=2))
def test5():
analyze_request = {
'comment': { 'text': test_text5 },
'requestedAttributes': {'SEXUALLY_EXPLICIT': {}}
}
# perspective目前支持20480
# Comment text was too many bytes. Value (50149) exceeded limit (20480).". Details: "Comment text was too many bytes. Value (50149) exceeded limit (20480
test_text5 = test_text5[:20000]
try:
response = client.comments().analyze(body=analyze_request).execute()
# score是毒性类的概率，
score = response["attributeScores"]["SEXUALLY_EXPLICIT"]["summaryScore"]["value"]
except Exception as e:
print(e)
if e.resp.status == 400:
# <HttpError 400 when requesting https://commentanalyzer.googleapis.com/v1alpha1/comments:analyze?key=AIzaSyCK9teFVz_GYSxrsVYnJX42-HFEYDPpeJE&alt=json returned "Attribute SEXUALLY_EXPLICIT does not support request languages: om". Details: "[{'@type': 'type.googleapis.com/google.commentanalyzer.v1alpha1.Error', 'errorType': 'LANGUAGE_NOT_SUPPORTED_BY_ATTRIBUTE', 'languageNotSupportedByAttributeError': {'detectedLanguages': ['om'], 'attribute': 'SEXUALLY_EXPLICIT'}}]">
# 400 是语言不对
# 强制将语言不对的设成 毒性概率0
score = "0."
else:
assert 0
# hard code, threshold can be decided by metrics
thresh = 0.08
# 对外输出的0,1标签，保持0为负样本，1为正样本
ret = {'output': int(score<thresh), "score": score, 'id': "xxxx"}
print(json.dumps(response, indent=2))
def main():
test1()
test2()
test3()
test4()
# 重点关注test5,
test5()
if __name__ == "__main__":
main()